What the right needs to learn from today’s Supreme Court decision on gay rights

I am happy the conservative Supreme Court ruled that DOMA is unconstitutional and the Prop 8 proponents have no legal standing thus invalidating Prop 8. I think that the ruling about legal standing is particularly interesting. This is what legal standing means:

The legal right to initiate a lawsuit. To do so, a person must be sufficiently affected by the matter at hand, and there must be a case or controversy that can be resolved by legal action. There are three requirements for Article III standing: (1) injury in fact, which means an invasion of a legally protected interest that is (a) concrete and particularized, and (b) actual or imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical; (2) a causal relationship between the injury and the challenged conduct, which means that the injury fairly can be traced to the challenged action of the defendant, and has not resulted from the independent action of some third party not before the court; and (3) a likelihood that the injury will be redressed by a favorable decision, which means that the prospect of obtaining relief from the injury as a result of a favorable ruling is not too speculative.[Link]

For me, what this signals is that a certain old line conservative ideal is STILL legally valid and in line with the Constitution. Older conservatives stood solidly on the side of individualism. In particular, they thought that an individual’s religion and morality was not something that should be thrust into law. These values were private and not a valid concern of jurisprudence. The proponents of Prop 8 were not damaged by gay marriage. Therefore, they had no constitutional or legal right to defend the law. Think about it, legal standing, the right to bring a law suit to the courts, is not valid if you have not been harmed…and this from a conservative court. This is very important when you consider other issues that the nuevo right is trying to legislate. One issue that comes to mind is abortion.

Roe v. Wade is the definitive law of the land on abortion. The case made abortion legal. Subsequent rulings have supported this and Chief Justice Roberts, a conservative justice and appointed by George W. Bush, has stated that “Roe is the settled law of the land”.[link] Here is a brief background of the suit:

“Roe v. Wade (1973) ruled unconstitutional a state law that banned abortions except to save the life of the mother. The Court ruled that the states were forbidden from outlawing or regulating any aspect of abortion performed during the first trimester of pregnancy, could only enact abortion regulations reasonably related to maternal health in the second and third trimesters, and could enact abortion laws protecting the life of the fetus only in the third trimester. Even then, an exception had to be made to protect the life of the mother.”[link]

I would highly recommend that if you have never read the Roe v. Wade decision you should read it. It is a well reasoned argument and not necessarily one-sided on this issue. This is Section X of the decision:

In view of all this, we do not agree that, by adopting one theory of life, Texas may override the rights of the pregnant woman that are at stake. We repeat, however, that the State does have an important and legitimate interest in preserving and protecting the health of the pregnant woman, whether she be a resident of the State or a nonresident who seeks medical consultation and treatment there, and that it has still another important and legitimate interest in protecting the potentiality of human life. These interests are separate and distinct. Each grows in substantiality as the woman approaches [410 U.S. 113, 163] term and, at a point during pregnancy, each becomes “compelling.”

With respect to the State’s important and legitimate interest in the health of the mother, the “compelling” point, in the light of present medical knowledge, is at approximately the end of the first trimester. This is so because of the now-established medical fact, referred to above at 149, that until the end of the first trimester mortality in abortion may be less than mortality in normal childbirth. It follows that, from and after this point, a State may regulate the abortion procedure to the extent that the regulation reasonably relates to the preservation and protection of maternal health. Examples of permissible state regulation in this area are requirements as to the qualifications of the person who is to perform the abortion; as to the licensure of that person; as to the facility in which the procedure is to be performed, that is, whether it must be a hospital or may be a clinic or some other place of less-than-hospital status; as to the licensing of the facility; and the like.

This means, on the other hand, that, for the period of pregnancy prior to this “compelling” point, the attending physician, in consultation with his patient, is free to determine, without regulation by the State, that, in his medical judgment, the patient’s pregnancy should be terminated. If that decision is reached, the judgment may be effectuated by an abortion free of interference by the State.

With respect to the State’s important and legitimate interest in potential life, the “compelling” point is at viability. This is so because the fetus then presumably has the capability of meaningful life outside the mother’s womb. State regulation protective of fetal life after viability thus has both logical and biological justifications. If the State is interested in protecting fetal life after viability, it may go so far as to proscribe abortion [410 U.S. 113, 164] during that period, except when it is necessary to preserve the life or health of the mother.

Measured against these standards, Art. 1196 of the Texas Penal Code, in restricting legal abortions to those “procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother,” sweeps too broadly. The statute makes no distinction between abortions performed early in pregnancy and those performed later, and it limits to a single reason, “saving” the mother’s life, the legal justification for the procedure. The statute, therefore, cannot survive the constitutional attack made upon it here.

This conclusion makes it unnecessary for us to consider the additional challenge to the Texas statute asserted on grounds of vagueness. See United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S., at 67 -72. [link]

Roe had legal standing to challenge the case that she could not have an abortion according to Texas. The court affirmed that she could make a decision to terminate her pregnancy. It also gave the state some discretion to regulate abortion clinics for acceptable health standards but not to use this to effectively ban abortion. It found that the 14th Amendment did not apply to a fetus. It further stated that Texas’ insistence at the time that abortion could be performed to protect the life of the mother contradicted their insistence that human life begins at conception and therefore acquires protection under the 14th Amendment. Further, the decision states:

Texas urges that, apart from the Fourteenth Amendment, life begins at conception and is present throughout pregnancy, and that, therefore, the State has a compelling interest in protecting that life from and after conception. We need not resolve the difficult question of when life begins. When those trained in the respective disciplines of medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of man’s knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the answer. [410 U.S. 113, 160] [link, Section IX]

It further stated that during the third trimester the state could ban abortion except in the case of saving the life of the mother. Even at this point, the mother can still trump the state and have an abortion according to the court. The court did not explicitly rule about the life of the fetus and when or if a fetus has protection under the law. However, it did state that “we do not agree that, by adopting one theory of life, Texas may override the rights of the pregnant woman that are at stake”. Therefore, the court understood that the theory about a fetus being a human life IS a theory. It did grant the state some discretion to regulate abortion in the third trimester but it did not do so on the basis of when human life begins. This is important because anti-abortion folks would like to claim damage on behalf of the fetus on the basis that it is a human life which cannot bring the suit itself and thus attain legal standing. There is precedence to allow others to bring suit to the court with legal standing for incapacitated individuals. In any case, if the fetus was considered to be a human life at conception and therefore a citizen, the mother would have no right to terminate the pregnancy. However, even on the third trimester when the state could ban abortions, the Supreme Court and Texas would not go so far as to suggest the mother has no right to terminate the pregnancy when her life is at stake. This means the absolute right of the 14th Amendment is not applicable at conception or any time during the pregnancy. In effect, any time during pregnancy the embryo has no legal standing. That is it; end of discussion, the matter is settled from a constitutional point of view.

The reason this is important in today’s Supreme Court decision is because the court has repeatedly affirmed the idea that people’s moralities and religious theories have no constitutional basis for imposing those views on others. The criterion for legal standing is recognized when the “the prospect of obtaining relief from the injury as a result of a favorable ruling is not too speculative”. Since Roe v. Wade legal abortion is the law of the land. When ‘life begins’ has been deemed a “theory of life”. The court made the point that Roe was certainly a human life and, as such, she could not be denied her right to decide definitively and absolutely for the first two trimesters. When the nuevo right insists on fighting a ruling that is legally decided, to ban all abortion, without legal standing they forcefully and unconstitutionally try to impose their values on the rest of us. No matter how much they insist on the validity of their cause they cannot overcome the fact that nearly 80% of Americans have consistently, since 1976, believed abortion should NOT be made illegal under any circumstances.[link] When Republicans want to re-litigate a settled issue they only alienate voters.

The Supreme Court’s decision today is another case where Republicans have only alienated possible supporters by stubbornly and insistently imposing their moral beliefs on others. These folks have no legal standing. Furthermore, when they stand in the way of immigration reform and civil rights they nail the lid shut on their political coffin. It really is their own doing as they have catered to the fundamentalist Christians, Fox News and radical right hysteria for years and now those same ones are dragging their party towards oblivion. It is finally time for them to pay the piper. They have sealed their doom by redistricting rural areas in the U.S. to guarantee the far right can obstruct and perpetually try to impose their “morality” on the rest of us without democratic repercussions. Ultimately, I think their demise will be good for them. They will eventually emerge as a party that is more respectful of diversity, moderate on social issues and skeptical of legislating their personal convictions just as the older conservatives have always been.

 

 

1 thought on “What the right needs to learn from today’s Supreme Court decision on gay rights

  1. Administrator

    djf
    June 27, 2013 at 2:29 pm · Reply
    The ruling was not by “the conservative Supreme Court.” The majority comprised the 4 leftist justices (two Clinton appointees and two Obama appointees) and Anthony Kennedy, who is essentially a libertarian on social issues like same-sex marriage. The court’s four somewhat consistent conservatives (and even not all of them are particularly consistent; witness John Roberts) dissented.

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    Mark
    June 27, 2013 at 6:30 pm · Reply
    The court majority has commonly been referred to as ‘conservative’ even by conservatives. It may be one of the most conservative Supreme Courts we have ever had. Roberts was appointed by W. Bush, Scalia by Reagan, Kennedy by Reagan, Thomas was appointed by W. Bush, Ginsberg was appointed by Clinton, Breyer was appointed by Clinton, Alito was appointed by W. Bush, Sotomayer was appointed by Obama, Kagan was appointed by Obama. My count is 5 to 4. Since Reagan appointed Kennedy, I can’t see Kennedy as anything other than conservative. The only caveat here is that Kennedy represents the old line conservative not what goes as ‘conservative’ nowadays. Additionally, my guess is that at least a third (probably more according to other estimates I have seen) of libertarians vote Republican and are really disenchanted conservatives. Let’s not forget that Ron and Rand Paul which I think could safely be called libertarian are against abortion. I would call that policy position socially conservative. Simply evoking the word ‘libertarian’ does not connote liberal or necessarily left of center to me. I do not think of ‘liberals’ in this country as leftists. I think of Marxists as leftist but that word has been co-opted by the new right in recent years such that what folks call ‘leftists’ in this country, I would call moderates. To be fair, I think all these designations (such as conservative and liberal) are relative to some extent. Some think of the new right as center, right and I suppose if you look at Hitler as far right that could make sense. I did not say that the two decisions were conservative, only that the current court makeup is considered to be conservative by many. In any case, I would not split hairs with you about these semantics if you insist that your understanding is correct. One thing I would add is that I think the majority of the justices are capable of swinging to what many folks would call conservative or liberal decisions at any time due to well reasoned logic based on precedence/constitutional concerns and not on personal political beliefs.

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    djf
    June 28, 2013 at 5:21 am · Reply
    You clearly don’t know what you’re talking about.

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    Mark
    June 28, 2013 at 8:12 am · Reply
    Clearly, I prefer argument and logic to your simple and undefended accusation.

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    bob
    July 14, 2013 at 11:57 am · Reply
    Prop 8 was duly passed by the people of California and put in the state constitution. It is the constitutional according to the state of California. The fed. gov had no right to tell the people of California how to run their state. Doma was passed as law by the Congress and signed into law by the President. It was not unconstitutioanl when it was passed. What changed from then to now?

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    Mark
    July 15, 2013 at 1:04 pm · Reply
    With regard to your first comment, we have state and federal constitutions as a union. If a state makes a law that legalizes slavery, for example, we have a federal constitutional amendment which would overturn that state law. The judicial branch is responsible for making sure that states do not violate our federal constitution. If laws between the federal government and the state government are not in agreement to some degree on certain issues the court deems important, why would we have a federal government at all? If states can willy-nilly make any laws they want then why not have each state be its own country? …why have a federal government at all? Additionally, without a central, federal government there would be no way to resolve conflicts between the states. Whether we like it or not, agree or not, the country was eventually chartered as a combination of federalism (Adams, Hamilton, Washington, etc.) and state’s rights (Jefferson, Madison). Initially, we did have something more akin to the government you alluded to called the “Articles of Confederation” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Articles_of_Confederation). However, at the end of the revolutionary war, the Articles of Confederation was superseded by the U.S Constitution. To answer your question, the federal government has been given the right to overturn California law by authority of the U.S. Constitution if need be. I think the federalism versus states rights debate has had both sides encoded into our Constitution for good reasons. In my opinion, this same conflict that was never resolved at the beginning of the country will never be resolved as long as the country exists but it is a terrifically fun debate to perpetually rehash and, I think, has much deeper philosophical ramifications as well.

    One other point I will reiterate concerning Prop 8, you cannot bring a case to a court of law if you have not been injured. Otherwise, anyone can bring any case about any esoteric issue anytime they want and the courts would be totally overwhelmed. California itself officially refused to defend or support Prop 8 in a court of law. I don’t know why…maybe to save the state some tax dollars because they knew it could not stand up to constitutional challenge (?). Therefore, a right wing Christian group called “Protect Marriage” decided to bring the case to the Supreme Court. The justice majority opinion on Prop 8 is that Protect Marriage was not injured by gay marriage. They had no justifiable claim to any damage from the state’s refusal to defend it…therefore, they had no legal standing to be in court. The real problem is that California does not support or defend Prop 8 not that the federal government told California “how to run their state”. California is free to ban gay marriage and if and when challenged, defend it at the Supreme Court but it chose not to do that. In any case, this is not federal versus states issue but a case of who has the right to claim damages and go to court to seek reparation.

    With regard to DOMA, Section 3 of the act defines marriage as between one man and one woman. The Supreme Court ruled that this section is unconstitutional and violates the due process clause of the 5th Amendment. The 5th Amendment is a constitutional guarantee that every citizen is treated equally under the law. The federal government cannot throw you into prison without giving you equal treatment which means the right to a jury trial. However, the due process clause goes much further than that and tells the federal government that it has no right to treat, for example, gay and straight, citizens unequally when to comes to marriage. The court stated in the decision that the federal government could not determine constitutionally who can or cannot get married. The court stated that this was left up to the states. However, because the person claiming damage in the case was legally married in a state which allowed gay marriage, the federal government could not treat gay and straight marriages differently on a federal level such as DOMA.

    As I previously mentioned, there is no law in this country on a state or federal level that prohibits either from making unconstitutional laws. The system only gives us a process for deciding if a particular law is constitutional or not and that takes time.

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